E 

422 

G35 

1848 

BANG 


University  of  California  •  Berkeley 

THE  PETER  AND  ROSELL  HARVEY 
MEMORIAL  FUND 


AN    APPEAL 

TO 

THE  FRIENDS  OF  PEACE. 


There  are  always  periods  in  the  history  of  a  country  when  every  citizen, 
however  far  removed  from  the  strife  and  tumult  of  party,  is  bound  by  the 
highest  obligations  of  patriotism  and  duty,  to  assume  an  active  part  in  the  di 
rection  of  public  affairs.  That  period  we.  have  now  reached,  if  the  cry  of 
popular  discontent,  which  everywhere  fills  the  land,  be  not  strangely  decep 
tive.  Our  Government,  if  past  experience  teaches  anything,  has  for  all  practi 
cal  purposes,  become  almost  intolerable  to  those  who  bear  its  burdens.  Under 
the  form  of  free  institutions,  we  have  within  a  few  years  made  rapid  strides 
towards  a  despotism,  and  unless  the  downward  tendency  of  things  be  speedily 
arrested,  it  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  evils  to  which  we  may  "be  subjected. 
The  will  of  the  people  has  been  crushed  again  and  again  by  a  dangerous 
abuse  of  the  Executive  veto,  and  the  plainest  requirements  of  the  Constitu 
tion  prostituted  to  subserve  the  ends  of  reckless  and  misguided  partisans. 
The  nation  has  been  plunged  into  a  useless  and  extravagant  war  merely  to 
gratify  Presidential  schemes  of  glory  and  empire,  by  the  conquest  and  an 
nexation  of  foreign  territory.  And,  to  crown  all,  this  war  which  was  to  "  con 
quer  a  peace"  has  ended,  after  an  enormous  sacrifice  of  blood  and  treasure, 
in  territorial  acquisitions,  the  chief  use  of  which  seems  to  be  to  alienate  the 
people  and  weaken  the  bonds  of  the  Union. 

Such,  briefly  told,  is  our  present  condition  ;  and  such  is  likely  to  be  the 
reward  of  patient  forbearance  in  the  future,  if  we  longer  hesitate  to  rid  our 
selves  of  those  who  have  produced  such  unmitigated  causes  of  complaint. 
The  remedy  is  at  hand,  and  no  excuse,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  will  palliate, 
much  less  justify  its  neglect.  It  is  in  revolution  through  the  ballot-box — 
revolution  which  will  preserve  the  Constitution  from  the  assaults  of  its  ene 
mies,  and  restore  to  the  Government  that  character  for  simplicity  and  purity 
with  which  it  was  originally  impressed.  To  insure  this,  there  must  be  per 
fect  harmony  and  concert  of  action  among  those  who  desire  a  change  of  men 
and  measures.  Armed  with  the  omnipotent  ballot,  all,  whatever  their  minor 
differences  on  questions  of  expediency,  must  stand  fast  by  their  faith  and  guard 
the  interest  of  the  Republic.  The  right  of  suffrage  is,  perhaps,  the  proudest 
privilege  of  a  freeman  ;  and  whoever  fails  to  exercise  it  properly  now,  will 
be  for  so  much  responsible  for  whatever  disasters  may  befall  us  hereafter. 
The  Presidential  election  in  November  will  decide  the  gravest  issues  which 
have  ever  been  submitted  to  a  free  people.  It  will  decide  whether  war  is,  of 
right,  to  be  made  as  the  caprice  or  passion  of  the  President  may  suggest ; 
whether  conquest  and  carnage  be  the  legitimate  pursuit  of  an  enlightened 
nation  ;  and  last,  though  not  least,  whether  the  One-man  Power  is  to  over 
shadow  and  control  all  the  functions  of  legislation,  and  reduce  the  represen- 
tives  of  the  People  to  the  degrading  level  of  Executive  subordinates  and 
menials.  These  have  been  the  practical  workings  of  that  corrupt  system,  of 
which  the  present  Administration  claims  the  paternity,  and  in  behalf  of  which 
it  invokes  the  popular  judgment.  Of  this  system  with  all  it  calamities,  we 
have  in  the  candidate  of  the  destructives,  Gen.  CASS,  a  faithful  embodi 
ment,  while  in  Geu.  TAYLOR  we  behold  its  antagonist.  Between  them  a 
choice  for  the  Presidency  is  soon  to  be  made,  for  one  or  the  other  is  rno.rallj 
certain  to  be  the  successor  of  Mr.  Polk.  The  formation  of  third  partiei  on  a 
single  idea,  however  much  in  consonance  with  the  inclination  of  many  w«ll- 
meaning  pergons,  can  in  uo  contingency  prer«nt  this  result,  Ey«ry 
Towers,  printer,  Washington. 


• 

L  _£"i 


VLt 


thrown  against  Gen.  Taylor,  whether  given  to  Gen.  Cassornot,  will  strength 
en  his  chance  of  success.  A  third  parly  may,  perhaps,  be  made  formidable 
enough  to  work  incalculable  mischief,  by  aiding  in  the  elevation  of  the  man 
its  formation  was  designed  specially  to  defeat.  It  certainly  cannot  do  more. 
The  only  question  for  consideration,  therefore,  is,  who  of  these  two  shall  be 
chosen?  And  this  leads  us  to  inquire  into  their  respective  claims  to  the  confi 
dence  and  support  of  the  Friends  of  Peace. 

The  only  objection  anywhere  urged  against  Gen.  TAYLOR  is,  his  connec 
tion  with  the  army  ;  and  the  inference  drawn  from  this,  mistakenly,  as  wer 
shall  presently  show,  that  he  is  unfit  for  civil  station.  It  is  true,  that  his 
military  achievements  have  won  for  him  a  world-wide  renown,  but  there  are 
points  in  his  character  which  have  done  more  to  endear  him  to  his  country 
men,  thi.n  the  fame  of  all  his  battles.  His  honesty  and  singleness  of  purpose, 
his  rigid  sense  of  justice,  his  unpretending  modesty,  and,  above  all,  his  hu 
manity,  present  a  character  which  shrinks  from  no  test,  and  challenges  gene 
ral  admiration.  And  it  is  to  such  a  character,  as  rare  as  it  is  beautiful,  thai 
he  is  mainly  indebted  for  his  present  position  As  a  soldier  he  is  faithful 
to  his  duty ;  but  much  as  he  has  been  engaged  in  war,  his  fondest  wishes 
have  always  been  for  the  preservation  of  the  peace  of  the  country.  He  is, 
indeed,  in  all  respects  a  man  of  peace  ;  and  there  are  few,  whatever  their  pre 
judices,  who  have  more  openly  rebuked  the  war  spirit  which  has  of  late  ta 
ken  such  deep  hold  of  the  public  mind.  At  a  dinner  given  him  by  the  city 
authorities  of  Lafayette,  in  his  own  State,  he  declared,  in  response  to  a  com 
plimentary  toast,  that— 

"  The  joy  and  exultation  of  the  greatest  victories  were  always,  after  the  heat  and  excitement  of 
the  battle,  succeeded  by  feelings  of  poignant  sorrow  and  pain  ,•  and  that  war,  after  all,  was  A 
GREAT  CALAJIITT,  and  his  the  greatest  glory  who  could  terminate  it." 

And  alluding  to  the  war,  from  which  he  had  then  recently  returned,  he 
further  remarked : 

"  The  abject  nearest  to  Ms  heart  had  been  to  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  termination — to  restore 
peace  and  amity  between  two  neighboring  Republics,  which  had  every  motive  to  cultivate  mutual 
good  will,  and  which  he  would  MUCH  PREFER  to  see  vicing  with  each  other  in  the  arts  of  peace  than 
contending  on  the  field  of  laitk" — Nik's  Register,  vol.  73,  p.  337. 

Again  :  In  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  Truman  Smith,  of  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives,  dated  Baton  Rouge,  March  4ih,  1848,  he  said : 

"  I  need  hardly  reply  to  your  concluding  inquiry,  that  I  AM  A  TEACE  MAN,onrf  that  I  deem  a  state 
of  peace  to  be  absolutely  necessary  to  the  proper  and  healthful  action  of  our  republican  institu 
tions." 

The  sentiment,  here  so  admirably  expressed,  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  hie' 
letter  of  April  22,  to  Capt.  J.  S.  Allison,  of  New  Orleans,  wherein  he  wrote  : 

"My  life  has  been  devoted  to  arms,  yet  I  look  upon  war,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circum~ 
stances,  AS  A  NATIONAL  CALAMITY,  to  be  avoided  if  compatible  with  national  honor." 

Such  are  Gen.  TAYLOR'S  opinions  on  war  ;  and  they  are  such,  it  strikes 
us,  as  must  satisfy  every  reasonable  man.  He  is  equally  averse  to  territorial 
acquisition  by  conquest.  In  his  letter  to  Gen.  Gaines,  dated  Monterey  No 
vember  9th,  1S46,  he  said  : 

"  If  we  are  (in  the  language  of  Mr.  Polk  and  Gen.  Scott)  under  the  aecessity  of  "  conquering  a 
peace,"  and  that  by  taking  the  capital  of  the  country,  we  must  go  to  Vera  Cruz,  take  that  place, 
and  then  march  on  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  To  do  so  in  any  other  direction  I  consider  out  of  the 
question.  But,  admitting  that  we  conquer  a  peace  by  doing  so — say  at  the  end  of  the  next  twelve 
months — will  the  amount  of  blood  and  treasure  which  must  be  expended  in  doing  so  be  compen 
sated  by  the  same?  I  think  not — especially  if  the  country  we  subdue  is  to  be  given  up;  and  I 
imagine  there  are  but  few  individual*  in  our  country  wh»  think  •/  AXWEXIXG  MEXICO  to  the  Uni- 
ttd States."— Niles's  Register,  vol.  70,  p.  342. 

It  was  this  manly  avowal  of  sentiments  so  opposite  to  the  will  and  pur 
pose  of  the  Administration,  that  induced  the  reprimand  which  he  received 
through  the  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  MSIcy.  If  was  "  this  disclosure  of  his 


3 

•views,"  that  the  Cabinet  at  Washington  condemned,  as  likely  to  "  disincline 
the  enemy  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  peace,"  ond  which  they  revived  an 
old  <;  order,"  the  very  existence  of  which  was  almost  unknown,  to  character 
ize  as  "  michievous  in  design  and  disgraceful  to  the  army  !"*  His  reply  was 
worthy  of  the  man,  the  cause,  and  the  age.  He  reiterated  every  word  he 
had  written,  and  boldly  told  the  Department  that,  although  he  regretted  its 
determination  to  place  him  "  in  an  attitude  anlagonisticnl  to  the  Govern 
ment,"  he  should  "  ask  no  favor  and  shrink  from  no  responsibility."  His 
letter  to  Mr.  Truman  Smith,  from  which  we  have  already  quoted,  in  refer 
ence  to  this  subject,  says  : 

"  On  this  important  question  I  freely  confess  myself  to  be  the  unqualified  advocate  of  the  princi 
ples  so  often  laid  down  by  the  Father  of  his  country,  and  so  urgently  recommended  by  him  in  his 
Farewell  Address  to  the  American  people.  Indeed,  I  think  I  may  safely  say  that  no  man  can  put 
a  more  implicit  faith  than  I  do  in  the  wisdom  of  his  advice  when  he  urged  upon  us  the  propriety 
of  always  standing  upon  our  '  »wn  soil.'  " 

And  in  the  letter  to  Capt.  Allison  he   tells  us  that — 

"  The  principles  of  our  Government,  as  well  as  its  true  policy,  are  opposed  to  the  subjugation  of 
other  nations,  and  the  dismemberment  of  other  countries  by  conquest." 

If  these  declarations  of  Gen.  Taylor  be  sincere,  and  he  is  more  than  rash 
who  will  question  tha-m,  there  is  no  room  to  doubt  that  his  election  to  the 
Presidency  will  forever  banish  from  our  national  cpuncils  that  lust  of  con 
quest  and  dominion,  which  the  evil  spirits  of  the  land  have  artfully  aimed  to 
inculcate  among1  the  people.  But  how  stands  the  case  with  Gen.  Cass? — 
Have  the  friends  of  peace  any  thing  to  expect  of  a  man  whose  history,  as 
a  Senator,  has  been  signalized  by  the  sternest  advocacy  of  the  war  policy  of 
the  Administration  ?  On  the  Oregon  question,  he  was  the  most  ultra  of  those 
ultraists  who  planted  themselves  on  the  declaration  of  "  54°  4jQ'  or  fight."  He 
was  against  all  negotiation  and  all  compromise,  and  for  preparing  the  hearts 
of  the  people  for  war — war  against  England,  and,  if  need  be,  the  world  !  So 
far,  indeed,  did  he  push  these  views,  that  he  held  out  to  the  last  against  the 
treaty  by  which  the  dispute  was  amicably  adjusted.  His  course  as  to  the 
Mexican  war  was  not  less  remarkable.  He  defended  it  throughout,  and 
the  greater  the  outrage  on  public  justice  and  popular  rights,  the  higher  it 
seemed  to  rise. in  his  favor.  He  was  for  "  vigorous  prosecution"  always,  that 
we  might  conquer  a  peace  and  secure  u  indemnify  for  the  past  and  security  for 
the  future,"  by  seizing  Mexican  provinces  and  by  dismembering  the  Mexican 
Republic.  Elevate  him  to  the  Presidency,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the 
man  who  thought  "  we,  MIGHT  SWALLOW  THE  WHOLE  OF  MEXICO  WITH 
OUT  BEING  HURT  BY  IT,"  will  speedily  open  new  paths  to  his  ambition  in 
the  line  of  conquest,  dismemberment,  and  annexation.  If  true  to  the  party 
"platform"  to  which  he  has  subscribed,  he  will  be  bound  by  honor  and  of 
necessity,  to  involve  us  in  a  war  with  England  for  Canada  or  Jamaica;  or  at 
all  events  to  "swallow"  Yucatan  or  Cuba,  under  the  shallow  pretence,  that 
British  dominion  must  be  checked  in  its  progress. 

As  a  humane  man,  Gen.  TAYLOR  has  few  equals.  His  heart  is  filled  with 
the  tenderest  sympathies,  and  prompts  him  always  to  comfort  and  console  the 
suffering  and  sorrowful.  Faithful  to  all  the  duties  of  his  position,  there  is  no 
duty  which  more  cheerfully  engages  him  than  attention  to  the  wounded, 
whether  of  his  own  men  or  those  of  the  enemy.  It  was  this  spirit  of  hu 
manity — a  desire  to  spare  helpless  women  and  children,  and  stop  the  effusion 
of  blood,  that  induced  him  in  a  great  degree,  to  grant  terms  less  rigorous  than 

*Marcy's  letter  to  Gen.  Taylor,  January  28, 1847,  Executive  doc.,  No.  60, 1st  BUSS.  30th  Cong., 
p.  391. 


were  first  demanded  at  the  capitulation  of  Monterey.     In  reference  to  that 
measure,  in  his  letter  to  Gen.  Gaines,  of  November  9th,  1846,  he  said : 

"  Had  we  been  put  to  the  alternative  of  taking  the  place  by  etorm,  (which  there  is  no  doubt  we 
should  have  succeeded  in  doing,)  we  should  in  all  probability  have  lost  fifty  or  a  hundred  men  in  kill 
ed,  besides  the  wounded,  which  I  wished  to  avoid,  as  there  appeared  to  be  a  prospect  of  peace, 
even  if  a,  distant  one,  /  also  wished  to  avoid  the  destruction  of  women  and  children,  which  must 
have  been  very  great  hail  the  storming  process  been  resorted  to." 

He  held  the  same  language  in  a  letter  lo  the  Secretary  of  War.  And  yet,, 
it  was  for  this  exhibition  of  feeling  honorable  alike  to  his  country  and  him 
self,  that  Gen.  Cass  voted  to  censure  him  !  Yes,  to  censure  him  ;  for  what 
else  than  censure  could  be  intended  by  a  qualified  vote  of  ihanks  ;  what  else 
could  it  convey,  than  a  disposition  to  wound,  and  humble,  and  mortify  ?  Let 
us  note  the  facts.  On  the  30th  of  January,  1847,  a  resolution  of  thanks  to 
Gen.  Taylor,  "and,  through  him,  to  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers  under 
his  command,  for  their  courage,  skill,  fortitude,  and  good  conduct,  in  storm 
ing  the  city  of  Monterey,"  was  taken  up  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  It 
was  amended,  on  the  motion  of  a  friend  of  the  Administration,  as  follows: 

"Provided,  That  nothing  herein  contained,  shall  be  construed  into  an  approbation  of  the  terms 
of  the  capitulation  of  Monterey." 

In  this  form  it  went  to  the  Senate,  where  Mr.  Speight,  a  Democratic  Sena 
tor,  who  said,  "  he  was  not  the  man  to  thank  with  one  hand  and  censure  with 
the  other,"  prononnced  it  "a  direct  vote  of  cenmre"  on  Gen.  Taylor,*  and 
moved,  on  the  3d  ef  February,  to  strike  it  out  of  the  resolution.  The  mo 
tion  was  carried  by  a  majority  of  more  than  two  to  one,  but  LEWIS  CASS 
voted  in  the  negative.  The  following  is  the  negative  vote  : 

Messrs.  Allen,  Ashley,  Atchison,  Atherton,  Bagby,  Breese,  Bright,  CASS,  Dix,  Hannegan,  Niles, 
Sevier,  Sturgeon,  Turney,  and  Yulee — 15." — Senate  Journal,  %d  sess.  29<A  Cong.,  p.  163. 

Thus  it  seerns,  considerations  of  humanity,  "  a  wish  to  avoid  the  destruc 
tion  of  women  and  children,  arid  spare  the  sacrifice  of  life,"  which  out 
weighed,  in  the  mind  of  the  honest  old  soldier,  all  the  temporary  advantages 
to  be  gained  by  sacking  a  city,  had  no  influence  with  Gen.  CASS  and  his 
fourteen  associates. 

Gen.  Taylor  is  also  strictly  moral  and  temperate  in  his  habits.  He  is  not 
profane,  nor  does  he  swear  or  gamble  ;  in  fact,  in  all  the  relations  of  life,  wher 
ever  placed,  and  under  every  circumstance,  lie  is  the  model  of  a  man.  He  is 
neither  bigoted  nor  intolerant  in  his  opinions,  and  pays  the  highest  respect  to 
the  rights  of  conscience.  His  is  the  religion  of  charity,  benevolence,  and 
tolerance,  a  religion  broad  enough  to  embrace  all  his  fellow-men  without  re 
gard  to  their  creed  or  form  of  worship.  To  show  that  we  indulge  in  no  idle 
picture  to  suit  the  occasion,  we  subjoin  the  following  testimonial : 

General  Taylor's  character,  as  drawn  by  the  Reverend  Mr.  Lamb,  one  of  his  chaplains. 
"  At  the  conference  of  the  Congregational  and  Presbyterian  ministers  of  Hillsboro'  county,  N.  H., 
assembled  on  the  14th  of  June,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Lamb,  who  was  formerly  a  chaplain  in  the  army  un 
der  General  Taylor,  at  Fort  Jesup,  said  that  the  opening  for  him  to  do  good  in  the  army  was  through 
General  Taylor,  and  through  the  General's  influence  a  temperance  society  was  formed,  by  means 
of  which  600  drunkards  were  reformed  ;  that  the  General  told  him  that  it  was  all  a  sham  for  a 
man  to  pretend  he  could  not  stand  the  damps  and  heats  of  the  South  without  spirituous  liquors. 
General  Taylor  was  a  total  abstinence  man,  and  the  only  commanding  officer  who  did  not  drill  his 
troops  on  the  Sabbath.  Mr.  Lamb  also  stated  that  General  Taylor  attended  his  church  regularly, 
and  used  no  profane  language." 

This  is  from  a  minister  of  the  Protestant  persuasion  ;  let  us  hear  now  from 
a  Catholic  chaplain,  who  was  near  him  through  his  most  trying  scenes  in 
Mexico.  Father  McElroy,  who  is  confessedly  among  the  most  enlightened 
and  devoted  philanthropists  of  the  day,  in  a  recent  conversation  with  Thur- 
low  Weed,  Esq.,  of  the  "  Albany  Evening  Journal,"  says  Gen.  Taylor  is 

Register,  vol.  71.,  p.  357. 


truly  "  a  great  and  good  man."  "  Courage,  guided  by  prudence,  and  jus 
tice,  tempered  with  humanity,  are  his  prominent  characteristics.  Temperance 
and  simplicity  of  habit  and  manner,  mark  his  intercourse  with  society.  In 
tegrity  and  patriotism  stand  out  holdly  in  all  his  official  acts.  In  a  word, Fa 
ther  McElroy  expresses  his  conviction  that  in  the  elements  that  form  his  char 
acter,  and  the  motives  and  objects  which  prompt  and  guide  him,  he  bears  a 
strong  and  marked  resemblance  to  Washington." 

His  honesty  and  rectitude  are  as  lofty,  too,  as  his  sense  of  justice  is  scrupu 
lous  and  exact.  He  scorns  everything-  that  is  not  fair  arid  upright,  and  no  man, 
says  the  distinguished  Gen.  Persifer  F.  Smith,  (who  is  politically  opposed  to 
him,)  "  however  corrupt  or  base  himself,  could,  after  five  minutes  conversa 
tion  with  him,  dare  to  propose,  or  even  hint  at  anything  dishonest  or  mean." 
As  President,  he  will  lose  nothing  of  these  invaluable  prerequisites  to  a  proper 
administration  of  the  Government.  He  will  be  what  he  has  always  been 
from  his  earliest  boyhood,  plain,  direct,  and  honest.  His  views  are  in  all 
things  eminently  conservative  and  practical,  arid  he  will  bear  himself  in  his 
high  office,  not  as  a  partisan  seeking  to  build  up  and  perpetuate  power  by 
rewardng  parasites  and  flatterers,  and  by  securing  the  tiiumph  of  selfish 
schemes  and  sectional  measures,  but  as  an  American  patriot,  determined  to  be 
the  President  of  the  People,  to  consult  their  wishes  and  bow  to  their  will. 
Hi?  principles  are  the  principles  of  Washington,  and  his  Administration  will 
be  fashioned  after  that  of  the  earlier  Presidents  of  the  Republic.  He  has  no 
sectional  prejudices,  and  nothing  could  induce  him  to  attempt  to  foster  or 
strengthen  one  portion  of  the  country  to  the  injury  or  sacrifice  of  another. 
He  will  know  no  North  and  no  South,  but  stand  by  the  glorious  Union  of  a 
free  people,  cemented  by  ties  of  a  common  kindred,  a  common  interest,  and 
common  duty.  The  rights  of  the  whole  people  will  be  strictly  regarded, 
and  the  interests  of  the  whole  Union,  however  conflicting,  harmonized  and 
protected. 

The  objection  to  General  TAYLOR,  that  he  has  no  fitness  for  civil 
station,  is  entirely  without  force.  He  has  all  the  intellect  and  all  the  learn 
ing  necessary  to  grace  the  highest.  His  whole  military  life  gives  evidence  of 
this.  No  man,  if  he  had  not  mind,  and  mind  too  of  the  first  order,  could 
have  produced  such  splendid  results.  He  has  that  within  him,  strong  com 
mon  sense  united  with  sound  judgment,  which  alone  is  valuable  in  practical 
life.  He  has  proved,  wherever  put,  equal  to  any  emergency,  and  never  in 
the  course  of  his  long  and  eventful  career  has  he  made  a  mistake  or  commit 
ted  a  blunder.  All  his  public  duties  have  been  rigidly  fulfilled,  and  whatever 
has  been  required  of  him  has  been  done  not  only  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
country,  but  done  as  no  one  else  could  do  it.  Examine  the  history  of  his 
undertakings  and  achievements  as  you  will — view  them  as  a  combination  or 
in  detail,  and  they  evince  far  reaching  sagacity  and  the  greatest  ability. 
Whoever  comes  in  contact  with  him  is  in  a  moment  impressed  with  this  con 
viction.  Gen.  Persifer  F.  Smith,  who  knows  him  Well,  writing  to  a  friend 
under  date  of  Mexico,  April  8,  1848,  pays  the  following  compliment  to  his 
characler : 

•'  General  Taylor's  military  exploits  (said  he)  are  not  the  causes  of  his  popularity  ;  they  are  only 
the  occasion  for  the  display  of  his  sound  judgment,  energy  of  character,  lofty  and  pure  sense  of 
justice,  and  incorruptible  honesty.  He  has  as  much  reputation  for  what  he  has  written  as  for  what 
he  has  done,  because  even  where  the  composition  is  not  his  own,  the  sentiments,  motives,  and 
feelings  are  ;  and  everything  he  says,  as  everything  he  does,  is  marked  by  the  purity  and  loftiness 
of  his  own  character.  *  *  *  I  remember  your  asking  me.  at  the  time  he  was  put  in  command 
at  Corpus  Christi,  whether  he  was  equal  to  the  circumstances.  I  told  you  of  his  sound  judgment 
and  inexhaustible  energy,  as  I  had  learned  them  in  Florida,  but  I  did  not  then  estimate  properly 
the  other  and  higher  points  of  his  character.  In  the  campaign  on  the  Rio  Grande,  I  saw  him  tried 
under  all  circumstances,  and  he  always  came  out  pure  gold" 


But,  it  is  said,  "  he  acknowledges  his  own  unfitness  for  the  Presidency, 
and  this  of  itself  should  present  an  impassable  barrier  to  his  election.  He 
knows  the  responsibilities  of  the  Executive  office,  and  feels  how  much  is 
expected  and  should  be  accomplished  in  its  wise  and  just  administration.  He 
therefore  distrusts  his  powers,  fearing  that  an  honest  zeal  for  the  public  wel 
fare  may  fall  short  of  the  public  expectation.  And  in  this  he  has  a  notable 
example — WASHINGTON  himself.  That  great  man,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Thomp 
son,  who  bore  him  the  intelligence  of  his  first  election,  said  : 

"  While  I  realize  the  arduous  nature  of  the  task  which  is  imposed  upon  me,  and  FEEL  MY  owx 
INABILITY  to  perform  it,  I  wish  that  there  may  be  no  reason,  for  regretting  the  choice  ;  for  indeed 
all  I  can  promise  is  only  to  accomplish  that  which  can  be  done  by  an  honest  zeal." — 10th  volume 
Sparks,  p.  460. 

A  month  later,  writing  to  General  Schuyler,  he  repeated  the  sentiment : 

"  It  is  only  from  the  assurances  of  support  which  I  have  received  from  the  respectable  and  wor 
thy  characters  in  every  part  of  the  Union,  that  I  am  able  to  overcome  the  diffidence  which  I  have 
IN  MY  OWN  ABILITIES  to  execute  my  great  and  important  trust  to  the  best  interest  of  our  country. 
An  honest  zeal  and  an  unremitting  attention  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  are  all  I  dare 
promise." — Wth  vol.  Sparks,  p.  2. — where  will  also  be  found  a  similar  letter  to  General  Wayne. 

This  is  precisely  what  General  TAYLOR  says,  and  were  he  to  say  less  he 
would  lose  much  of  the  general  esteem  he  enjoys ;  for  no  man  who  would 
approach  such  a  high  calling  in  any  other  than  a  spirit  of  humility  and  diffi 
dence  should  be  honored  with  it,  because  he  would  be  least  likely  to  adorn  it. 

Far  be  it  from  us,  to  reflect  on  the  honor  or  honesty  of  General  Cass,  be 
tween  whom  and  General  Taylor,  as  we  have  elsewhere  remarked,  the  deci 
sion  is  to  be  made.  But  we  are  frank  to  confess,  that  we  distrust  him.  He 
is  too  much  of  a  partisan,  is  too  ultra  in  his  views,  has  too  many  friends  to 
reward  and  too  many  enemies  to  punish,  and  is  Coo  far  pledged  to  particu 
lar  and  sectional  interests,  to  bid  us  hope  for  anything  wise  or  good  from 
his  election.  He  has  not  the  firmness  nor  the  fortitude  for  the  times.  He 
is  surrounded  by  courtiers,  and  must  be  governed  by  cliques  and  cabals.  As 
a  private  citizen  he  may,  perhaps,  have  no  superiors  ;  but  as  a  celebrated  Eng 
lish  writer,  who  had  a  clear  conception  of  the  human  mind  and  its  besetting 
passions,  has  well  said,  "  men  are  generally  more  honest  in  their  private  than 
in  their  public  capacity."  Honor  is  a  great  check  upon  mankind  ;  but  where 
a  man  becomes  a  partisan,  this  check  is  in  a  great  measure  removed,  since  a 
man  is  sure  to  be  approved  of  by  his  own  party,  for  what  promotes  their  in 
terest  ;  and  he  soon  learns  to  despise  the  clamors  of  adversaries.  Such  is 
General  Cass.  He  could  not,  nay,  he  dare  not  if  he  would,  so  strong  are  the 
influences  that  control  him,  look  to  the  clamors  of  his  adversaries — he  dare 
not  consult  the  public  good.  Party,  party,  and  its  interest  would  rule  all 
his  actions  and  guide  the  destiny,  evil  though  it  be,  of  the  Republic. 

There  is,  however,  what  should  be  with  every  friend  of  peace  an  insuper 
able  objection  to  sustaining  him,  either  directly  or  otherwise.  He  has  shown 
himself  again  and  again  hostile  to  their  petitions,  and  by  his  votes,  at  least, 
invaded  the  rights  of  conscience.  The  Society  of  Friends,  as  a  peaceful, 
peace-loving  people,  were  opposed  to  the  Mexican  war,  arid  obeying  the  dic 
tates  of  duty  they  petitioned  Congress  "  to  devise  and  adopt  such  measures, 
as  would  put  a  speedy  end  to  its  existence,  with  the  multiplied  evils  and  dire 
ful  calamities  attendant  upon  it."  And  how  was  this  prayer,  so  respectful  in 
itself,  and  so  free  from  all  political  prejudice,  received?  The  memorials  were 
laid  on  the  table  and  their  printing  refused,  Gen.  Cass  being  of  those  who 
gave  them  this  summary  disposition.  We  find  the  following  in  the  Senate's 
Journal  of  proceedings  of  Wednesday,  December  23d,  1846 : 

"  Mr.  Atherton,  from  the  Committee  on  Printing,  to  whom  was  referred  a  memorial  of  the  rep 
resentatives  of  the  Society  of  Friends  of  New  England,  reported  that  the  same  be  not  printed. 
The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  report. 


On  motion  by  Mr.  Davis  to  amend  the  report,  by  striking  out  the  word  "  not,"  it  was  determin 
ed  in  the  negative,  yeas,  21,  nays,  21. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  Davis,  the  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of  the  Senators  present, 
those  who  voted  in  the  negative  are — 

Messrs.  Allen,  Ashley,  Atchison,  Atherton,  Bagby,  Benton,  Breese,  Bright,  Butler,  CASS,  Chal 
mers,  Dickinson,  Dix,  Houston,  Lewis,  Semple,  Sevier,  Sturgeon,  Turney,  Westcott,  Yulee. 

The  Senate  being  equally  divided,  the  Vice  President  determined  the  question  in  the  negative.'* 
Senate  Journal,  2d  sess,  29th  Cong.  p.  66-67. 

And  on  Wednesday,  the  3d  of  February,  1847,  the  following  proceedings 
were  had  in  the  same  body  : 

"  The  Senate  proceeded  to  consider  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Printing  on  the  motion  t» 
print  the  memorial  of  the  Baltimore  yearly  meeting  of  Friends,  the  memorial  of  the  yearly  meet 
ing  of  Friends  held  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  memorial  of  the  religious  Society  «f  Friends  of  In 
diana  yearly  meeting,  to  wit:  "  That  the  memorials  be  not  printed:"  and,  on  the  question  to  con 
cur  in  the  report,  it  was  determined  in  the  affirmative,  yeas,  23  ;  nays,  21. 

On  motion  by  Mr.  Atherton,  the  yeas  and  nays  being  desired  by  one-fifth  of  the  Senators  pres 
ent,  those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  are — 

Messrs.  Allen,  Ashley,  Atchison,  Atherton,  Bagby,  Benton,  Breese,  Bright,  Butler,  Calhoun,  CAS9, 
Chalmers,  Dix,  Hannegan,  Houston,  Niles,  Rusk,  Soule,  Speight,  Sturgeon,  Turney,  Westcott,  Yulee. 

So  the  motion  to  print  the  memorials  was  not  agreed  to. — Senate  Journal,  2d  sess.,  29th  Con 
gress,  p.  162. 

We  cannot  always  farhom  men's  motives,  perhaps,  nor  is  it  right  to  impugn 
them  ;  but  if  a  man  wishes  to  escape  suspicion,  if  he  would  stand  fair  in  the 
judgment  of  the  world,  he  must  shape  his  conduct  aright,  and  keep  aloof 
from  those  whom  there  is  reason  to  adjudge  guilty.  We  cannot  avoid  the 
conclusion,  however,  that  Gen.  Cass,  in  voting  against  printing  these  memo 
rials  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  was  operaied  on  by  the  same  motives 
which  induced  one  of  his  party  friends  of  the  rouse  of  Representatives,  to 
speak  and  vote  against  printing  a  similar  memorial  at  this  session.  On  the 
10th  of  February,  1848,  Mr.  King,  of  Massachusetts,  presented  the  memorial 
of  the  representatives  of  the  yearly  meeting  of  the  Society  of  Friends  of 
New  England.  It  was  referred  to  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  when 
the  question  recurred  on  the  morion  to  .print  it.  The  memorial  being  readr 
Mr.  Henley,  ®f  Indiana,  addressed  the  House  in  opposition -to  the  motion. 
His  speech  was  as  follows : 

"Mr.  Speaker  :  (said  he)  This  is  not  the  first  time  since  this  war  began,  that  memorials  of  this 
character  have  been  presented  to  this  House,  containing  the  same  views.  And  what  do  these  me 
morialists  ask  for  ?  They  pray  Congress  to  feel  the  responsibility  of  the  situation  it  occupies  be 
fore  the  country,  and  to  take  measures  to  bring  about  a  peace.  When  they  come  and  ask  us  to 
feel  our  responsibility  before  the  country  and  bring  about  a  peace,  they  charge  us  with  not  feeling, 
our  responsibility,  and  with  having  no  desire  for  peace.  And  in  charging  it  they  charge  a  falsehood 
on  this  Congress  ;  or  on  that  particular  party  against  which  they  mean  to  make  it.  It  is  for  this  • 
reason  that  I  Jesire  to  make  »  f«?wremarks.  J  admit  they  are  respectable  people — I  admit  they  arer. 
good  citizens.  I  am  proud  to  acknowledge  that  there  are  many  of  them  in  my  own  State  and  ii»my 
own  district.  There  are  some  of  that  class  of  people  amongit  my  own  relatives.  Many  of  my 
connexions  are  of  that  denomination  of  people.  I  know  them,  and  they  know  they  have  been  op 
posed  to  this  country  in  every  contest.  In  the  holy  war  of  the  Revolution  they  were  against  their 
country  because  of  their  peculiar  notions  on  the  subject  of  war.  They  may '  hare  been  honest  ; 
but  the  fault  of  this  people  is  that  they  permit  their  peculiar  notions  to  overcome  their  patriotism 
and  love  of  country.  That  is  the  fault  they  have  committed.  They  may  charge  the  fault  on  others, 
but  I  say  we  may  charge  it  on  them.  They  know  that  they  were  opposed  to  this  country  in  the 
last  war  with  Great  Britain.  That  every  one  will  acknowledge.  This  people  then  prayed  for 
peace,  and  on  what  conditions  1  Not  because  peace  would  secure  the  honor  and  glory  of  the  na 
tional  character,  but  they  desired  a  peace  at  all  hazards.  And  that  is  what  these  memorialists  novr 
ask."  *  *  *  "  Though  they  are  very  honest  and  conscientious  people,  perhaps  it  may 
be  that  on  the  subject  of  v  ar  they  are  not  so  conscientious  as  they  might  be.  I  know  well  that 
they  profess  to  be  opposed  to  military  chieftains  as  the  occupants  of  the  high  offices  of  this  Republic, 
but  they  have  voted  for  military  chieftains  for  high  office  ;  and  may  they  not  do  it  again  ?  Whem 
they  deemed  it  necessary,  they  could  vote  for  a  military  chieftain  of  the  Federal  party,  and  may 
they  not  at  some  period  be  brought  to  support  a  war  1  Sir,  I  am  opposed  to  the  motion  to  print." — 
National  Intelligencer,  February  11,  1848. 

Whether  it  be  calumnious  or  not  to  denounce  a  people  as  against  their  coun 
try  in  the  Revolutionary  war  and  the  war  of  1812,  who  gave  Nathaniel  Greene 
to  one  and  Jacob  Brown  to  another,  we  shall  leave  the  nation,  and  not  Mr. 


8 

i  fcM  4 

Henley,  to  decide.  The  same  tribunal  can  also  decide,  whether  those  who  sus 
tained  Washington's  drooping  army  at  Valley  Forge,  and  succored  and  relieved 
the  sick  and  wounded  at  Princeton  and  Trenton,  at  Brandy  wine,  and  German^ 
town,  and  Guilfoid  Court  House,  "  permit  their  peculiar  notions  to  overcome 
their  patriotism  and  love  of  country."  The  more  important  question  here, 
as  there  can  be  no  mistake  as  to  this,  is,  why  the  petitions  from  a  body  of  peo 
ple  as  industrious,  as  thriving,  and  as  respectable  as  any  in  our  countiy — pe- 
tH  it  ions  couched  in  the  most  decorous  and  inoffensive  terms,  were  refused  to 
be  printed,  especially  when  the  cost  of  printing  would,  in  no  instance,  have 
exceeded  five  dollars?  Why  did  Gen.  Cass  so  wound  the  feelings  of  such  a 
people?  Was  it,  that  like  his  friend  and  supporter,  Mr.  Henley,  he  thought 
that  "  on  the  subject  of  war  they  are  not  so  conscientious  as  they  might  be," 
or  that  he  also,  had  an  account  to  settle  with  them  for  having  voted  for  such 
"  military  chieftains"  as  Washington  and  Harrison  ?  At  this  particular  time 
this  becomes  a  very  pertinent  inquiry,  and  we  greatly  fear,  if  fairly  brought 
to  trial,  Gen.  Casspould,  no  more  than  Mr.  Henley  stand  its  test.  Be  that  as 
it  may,  it  is  a  somewhat  singular  coincidence,  that  while  he  and  his  Democra 
tic  friends  formed  a  unit  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Henley,  at  another  session  of 
Congress,  came  within  an  ace  of  rallying  them,  with  like  unanimity,  to  the 
charge  in  which  he  played  the  leader. 


APPENDIX. 

"  During  the  war  against  the  Seminole  Indians  in  Florida,  Gen.  Jesup  entered  into  an  arrange 
ment  with  the  friendly  Creeks  who  were  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  by  which  it  was  stip 
ulated  that  they  skouid  retain  for  their  services,  all  the  negroes  they  might  capture.  There  was  a 
considerable  number  captured,  and  the  Creeks,  as  it  appears  from  the  public  document,  to  which  we 
shall  presently  refer  "  refused  the  $8,000  offered  them  under  the  direction  of  Gen.  Jesup,  for  their 
interest  in  these  negroes."  Mr.  Nathaniel  F.  Collins,  of  Alabama,  was  then  appointed  their  attorney, 
in  fact  to  receive  them.  And  an  order  was  issued  to  the  commanding  officer  in  Florida  to  deliver 
them  to  him.  The  order  went  to  Gen.  Taylor,  as  he  had  succeeded  Gen.  Jesup  in  the  chief 
command,  subsequent  to  the  time  of  its  issue.  He  very  positively  refused,  nevertheless,  to  comply 
with  its  requirements,  and  the  negroes  never  were  delivered.  The  following  is  the  correspondence 
between  the  Adjutant  General  and  General  Taylor : 

ADJUTANT  GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  WASHINGTON,  May,  1838. 

SIR  :  Herewith  you  will  receive  a  copy  of  a  communication  made  to  the  Secretary  of  War  by  the 
Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs.  The  request  contained  therein  having  been  approved  by  the  Sec- 
letary,  you  will  please  to  give  th«  necessary  attention  to  the  matter,  so  far  as  you  are  concerned, 
"and  comply  with  the  requisition  of  Mr.  Collins. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant,  R.  JONES,  Adjutant  General. 

Major  General  JESUP,  Commanding  Army  in  Florida,  Tampa,  Florida. 

Brevet  Major  ZANTZINGER,  Fort  Pike,  Louisiana, 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  SOUTH,  Tampa,  Florida,  June  2,  1838. 

GENERAL:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  your  communication  of  the  10th  of  May,  1838, ac 
companied  by  one  of  the  9th,  from  the  commissioner  of  Indian  affairs,  addressed  to  Capt.  Cooper, 
acting  Secretary  of  War,  on  the  subject  of  turning  over  certain  negroes  captured  by  the  Creek 
warriors  in  Florida,  to  a  Mr.  Collins,  their  agent,  in  compliance  with  an  engagement  of  Gen.  Jesup. 

I  know  nothing  of  the  negroes  in  question,  nor  of  the  subject,  farther  than  what  is  contained  in 
the  communication  above  referred  to  ;  but  I  must  state  distinctly,  for  the  information  of  all  con 
cerned,  that  while  I  shall  hold  myself  ever  ready  to  do  the  utmost  in  my  power  to  get  the  Indians 
and  their  negroes  out  of  Florida,  as  well  as  to  remove  them  to  their  homes  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
I  cannot  for  a  moment  consent  to  meddle  in  this  transaction,  or  to  be  concerned,  for  the  benefit  of 
Mr.  Collins,  the  Creek  Indians,  or  any  one  else  ;  or  to  INTERFERE  IN  ANY  WAY  BETWEEN  THE  IN 
DIANS  AND  THEIR  NEGROES,  WHICH  MAY  HAVE  A  TENDENCY  TO  DEPRIVE  THE  FORMER  OF  THEIR  PROHERTT, 

AND  REDUCE  THE  LATTER  FROM  A  COMPARATIVE  STATE  OF  FREEDOM  TO 
THAT  OF  SLAVERY;  at  the  same  time  I  shall  take  every  means  to  obtain  and  restore  to  his 
lawful  owner  any  slave  among  the  Indians  who  has  absconded  or  been  captured  by  them. 

Very  respectfully,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  General,  your  obedient  servant,          Z.  TAYLOR. 

Brevet  Brig.  U.  S.  Army,  Commanding. 
Gen,  R.  JOMM,  Adjutant  Gen.  U.  S.  Army,  Washington,  D.  C. 

(Executive  Document  225,  3d  8e*aiont  25/A  Congrest,  page*  29  and  30.) 


